(pt) OUR CONCEPTION OF FEMINISM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF ORGANIZED ANARCHISM Por Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira CAB

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Segunda-Feira, 13 de Abril de 2020 - 08:18:45 CEST


Nós, mulheres que compomos as organizações da Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira, nos compreendemos como parte de uma longa tradição de 
mulheres anarquistas que radicalmente denunciaram e combateram as opressões de gênero; também, por isso, a exploração do trabalho ganha uma 
especificidade para nós. Estamos inseridas na tradição das muitas e muitas mulheres anarquistas que, embora apagadas pela história dos de 
cima, bateram de frente com as violências que sofremos por sermos mulheres; mulheres que pautaram novas formas de amar e problematizaram o 
modelo de família burguesa que é base do sistema; mulheres que reagiram às violências machistas, muitas vezes, vindas dos próprios 
companheiros; mulheres que foram autodidatas, que promoveram alfabetização e pensaram uma educação libertadora, que atuaram na imprensa 
criando e escrevendo em periódicos libertários; mulheres que ergueram-se em armas! Essas mulheres destemidas e insubmissas lutaram contra um 
sistema opressor por uma vida digna e livre e semearam pelo mundo todo sementes libertárias. São muitas as lutadoras anônimas apagadas na 
história dos homens. São muitas as que nos precederam, muitas as que não estão. Carregamos em nós seu legado.

This story did not start with us, nor does it end tomorrow. Violences abound and there is much to do.

In the spirit of Mujeres Libres, we publish the accumulations and agreements that we have built nationally so far, as well as the synthesis 
of the perspective of feminism that we have built in our organizations and in the spaces of struggle in which we operate.

As anarchists, we believe that the anti-patriarchal struggle and feminism, as well as the anti-racist and anti-colonial struggle, are 
fundamental strategies to destroy this system. We understand that power relations are structured in specific ways and we need to understand 
them if we want to destroy the system of oppression as a whole. We believe in building a militancy that actively participates in popular 
organizations; that develops performance through direct action and direct democracy. In this sense, we defend a class and basic feminism. 
Our feminism is a social and collective struggle. We do not believe in a specialization of the feminist struggle, but that feminism must 
cross all our organizations; that feminist formulations and methodologies may point not to individual freedom,

This is our conception.

What are our guiding lines?

Historically, anarchism has fought the various oppressions suffered against those below; therefore, he understood that the oppressed were 
beyond a restricted class category. By broadly guiding the class, anarchism pointed to the idea that the oppressions to which we are 
subjected are structured in the most diverse ways. Thus, the feminism that we anarchists demand could not be centered only on the idea of 
class, for example. Such a cut would lead us to a superficial analysis, in which gender and race would have no relevance, and, therefore, we 
would not be close to the social reality we experience. In the end, such a cut would also not be in line with our conception of anarchism.

It is because of analyzes restricted to the class cutout that there are, for example, spaces of the black movement where the gender issue is 
in the background and black women are silenced. Or, on the other hand, not addressing the class, there is a risk of developing a detached 
analysis of the material reality of the peripheral black issue, for example. In the same way, there are also spaces for women where the 
question of class and race is not debated, and working and black women cannot meet, much less identify with the speeches and discussions 
made there. Or, yet, there are certain spaces where a centrality is applied only to the class cut, the issues of race and gender are in the 
background, and white and non-white women do not feel comfortable or identified at all.

We understand that gender oppression is correlated to the issue of race and class, and this is something that changes according to the 
social and material contexts where the subjects are inserted. In this sense, the idea of "intersectionality" serves as an instrument for 
analyzing dominations, helping us to understand certain issues. To that extent, we understand that oppressions are transversal (they cross 
and are crossed by other oppressions), being present in all areas of our lives and in society. However, one cannot start from this and 
confuse this transversal character with a reading that oppressions would be like something totally homogeneous or that they were simply a 
summation of various types of oppression. Furthermore, we must look at social reality as a builder of oppression and not as a consequence.

Therefore, for us at CAB, our feminism can only be the "feminism of the lower ones", which considers the conditions of gender, race, class 
and sexual diversity, understanding that these elements and their power relations go together to structure the relations of domination that 
cross us.

To sum up, we believe that our feminism as specific anarchists must be a classist, anti-racist, anti-capitalist, non-exclusive (and 
trans-inclusive) feminism with a revolutionary perspective and a break with the State.

Criticism of Eurocentric liberal feminism

As women who believe in fighting alongside those below, we anarchists have disagreements and criticisms of Eurocentric liberal feminism. In 
the course of its development, liberal feminism guided individual freedoms, manifesting and defending a view that "we are all equal". In 
this trajectory, it was sought to equate the woman with the white and bourgeois man, claiming for her the same rights as him. Like the 
conceptions of liberalism, this feminism ends up making cuts that are limited to the level of individualism.

Thus, our criticism of liberal feminism refers to its defense of individual liberation only, without class reflection. Thus, he reproduces 
the capitalist logic when he thinks of the emancipation of women only as recognition and social mobility, for example, within a society that 
remains unequal. In this conception, women would have the right to be in the same jobs as men, but when there, the logic of inequality 
continues to reproduce. This liberal feminism has appropriated concepts and guidelines that are historical in popular and women's struggle. 
It distorts many concepts so that they conform to liberal and neo-liberal precepts. This appropriation serves capitalism in many ways. An 
example is the use of the very idea of equality by the market, with its mass advertising, which contributes to naturalize an alleged 
"equality" that already exists, also naturalizing the logic of capitalism and the State, which remain intact. Thus, the market feeds the 
false illusion of equality, preaching as "empowerment" that women can be "successful in big companies", in the posts of the State etc., 
achieving high positions or leadership, in a meritocratic logic. However, when they are in these posts, they continue to work for the system 
and within the system, without questioning why other women have not "succeeded", without attributing this inequality to the capitalist 
system. preaching as "empowerment" that women can be "successful in big companies", in the posts of the State etc., achieving high positions 
or leadership, in a meritocratic logic. However, when they are in these posts, they continue to work for the system and within the system, 
without questioning why other women have not "succeeded", without attributing this inequality to the capitalist system. preaching as 
"empowerment" that women can be "successful in big companies", in the posts of the State etc., achieving high positions or leadership, in a 
meritocratic logic. However, when they are in these posts, they continue to work for the system and within the system, without questioning 
why other women have not "succeeded", without attributing this inequality to the capitalist system.

This distortion process also occurred with the concept of "Empowerment", whose outlines were given by the works of critical pedagogy, 
especially Freire. It is important to remember that this concept was born rooted in popular movements, being appropriately distorted by 
liberal feminism. Therefore, when we talk about Empowerment, we must take it back to its collective root. Only collective empowerment will 
make a difference in the struggle of women.

Para o feminismo liberal, basta uma "igualdade" simulada dentro do próprio sistema capitalista. Para nós, é preciso derrubar o capitalismo e 
o Estado. E isso é condição para a construção de uma liberdade e igualdade reais para as mulheres. Nesse sentido, observamos também que 
precisamos avançar para além do caráter eurocêntrico desse feminismo. Para isso, tomamos como referência a leitura do que as mulheres curdas 
estão construindo e de sua crítica ao caráter eurocêntrico que influenciou a construção feminista no mundo. É necessário que façamos a 
construção de um feminismo com os pés no chão de nossa própria realidade, latino-americana. E isso passa por uma compreensão de nossa 
própria história e nossa própria construção como mulheres latinas, lançando mão de nossas experiências e nossos acúmulos, desconstruindo e 
construindo conceitos que partam de nossa realidade concreta.

For a trans feminism

  Para nós, mulheres anarquistas especifistas, é de extrema importância avançar na concepção do feminismo que queremos construir 
nacionalmente. Por isso, é necessário deixarmos claro que o nosso feminismo é inclusivo de pessoas trans (homens e mulheres). Dessa forma, 
nós não nos identificamos com o "feminismo radical" (ou com um feminismo trans-excludente) porque, como anarquistas, defendemos o fim de 
todas as dominações na sociedade. Para nós, não faz sentido pensar em um feminismo que exclui pessoas oprimidas, pessoas que estão sendo 
violentadas e massacradas pela transfobia impregnada em nossa sociedade todos os dias. Precisamos preservar e defender a dignidade, o 
respeito e o direito de todas as pessoas, absolutamente todos os seres humanos. Claro, não podemos deixar de relacionar a 
heteronormatividade ao machismo. Esse é um fator que acaba reverberando na discussão sobre a construção da família e do trabalho. Assim, é 
importante considerar a questão da masculinidade como uma discussão de gênero também, uma vez que somos todos e todas afetadas por ela e 
pela maneira que as pessoas a enxergam.

Refusal to a feminism exclusive to women

  We also believe that exclusive spaces are important to strengthen the people of a certain social group and that we must understand and 
respect their needs. Therefore, we do not see problems in having exclusive spaces (including, we understand their strength, importance and 
need) when demands arise in the spaces that we build, but we understand that the movement should not take place only in this way. Thus, we 
believe that we also need to have mixed spaces, as the gender issue is something that crosses the reality of men and women, and not only 
women. Men also feel various pressures from society to perform their masculinities in the way that common sense has determined for them 
hundreds of years ago. Therefore, we understand the importance of also having their training spaces, exclusive discussions and debates to be 
able to think about new ways of acting at the political and social levels; reviewing the attitudes and addictions that the structural 
machismo of society make them reproduce daily, whether in their personal, professional or political lives. We also need to understand that 
the inclusion of cis male people is different from the inclusion of trans people. We understand, then, that a trans woman, for example, must 
be inserted in an exclusive space for women and that a trans man must be inserted in a space for men and both must be accepted in the said 
spaces. We also need to understand that the inclusion of cis male people is different from the inclusion of trans people. We understand, 
then, that a trans woman, for example, must be inserted in an exclusive space for women and that a trans man must be inserted in a space for 
men and both must be accepted in the said spaces. We also need to understand that the inclusion of cis male people is different from the 
inclusion of trans people. We understand, then, that a trans woman, for example, must be inserted in an exclusive space for women and that a 
trans man must be inserted in a space for men and both must be accepted in the said spaces.

Defending the expansion of social rights through popular struggle and direct action

  Assessing that the struggle of women, many times, needs to go through the conquest of very basic agendas and that would be the 
responsibility of the State, we reflect that we must not abandon these agendas, since we cannot wait for the revolution to just conquer 
basic rights. In other words, we cannot work only with the maximum program. The social revolution will be built on the daily processes of 
struggle and popular power, as well as on the advances and conquests of more policies and rights, as well as the maintenance of these.

Women are the first to be neglected, they are the first to be fired in a crisis, they are the ones who suffer the most with the increase in 
the value of food and the cost of living. Regarding maternity, the maternity replication spaces themselves end up being appropriated by the 
State (prenatal care, daycare centers, etc.). We are putting ourselves in the struggle for these basic guidelines within the limits of the 
State because it must be demanded of it to guarantee such rights and, in case the State does not provide them, we must get out of it, with 
our hands and our struggle. That is how we defend the fight for housing, childcare, humanized childbirth and better assistance in hospitals, 
education and health, which directly affect the lives of the women of the people.

We are aware that we are claiming from the State, although we aim at its end. On the other hand, our position is based on a confrontational 
relationship and not on a request from the State. We confront the State so that it provides today what is urgent for the lives of women 
below. In this sense, we chose to use the term "public policies" instead of reforms. What we demand in the confrontation with the State is 
the feasibility of public policies that make a difference for women. And it is always a demand for rights that come through struggle and 
popular organization. In addition, we believe in and seek to sow autonomous experiences for women within their communities. While the State 
does not guarantee policies that can provide the minimum, we must build, support, defend, with communities, self-managed and autonomous 
experiences that aim to organize collective outlets for women's lives. For this reason, we must build and show solidarity with experiences 
of collective self-organization of care for children, possibilities of building "cooperatives" or cooperative work, which are available for 
the maintenance of women in the communities. These experiences are processes that contribute to the construction of popular power, 
self-management, autonomy and empowering women from below and working women. Principles that we defend; and, therefore, they are also our 
tasks and responsibility. possibilities of building "cooperatives" or cooperative works, which are available for the maintenance of women in 
the communities. These experiences are processes that contribute to the construction of popular power, self-management, autonomy and 
empowering women from below and working women. Principles that we defend; and, therefore, they are also our tasks and responsibility. 
possibilities of building "cooperatives" or cooperative works, which are available for the maintenance of women in the communities. These 
experiences are processes that contribute to the construction of popular power, self-management, autonomy and empowering women from below 
and working women. Principles that we defend; and, therefore, they are also our tasks and responsibility.

Thus, we stand side by side with women in this struggle that involves basic rights, but which must reach revolutionary transformations. In 
this construction, we defend the popular struggle and direct action in the conquest of rights and advancement for the popular power, as well 
as we defend the strategy of Self-Defense not only in the bodily sense, but also a collective posture, being thought, elaborated and worked 
together with our companions and companions. In this process, we build daily, in the struggle, the rupture with the State, capitalism and 
patriarchy, and the progress towards the construction of self-organization and autonomy.

Armed with these broad principles and building a feminism from the relationship between practice and theory, we place ourselves in the ranks 
of women's struggles, as anarchists and feminists! May feminism be a reality for women below and may the women's struggle grow and spread 
with combativeness, mutual support and sorority all over the world!

By Popular Power!

For a dignified, free and unruly life!

Get them that luchan!


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