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(en) France, Ist congres ofUCL (Fougeres, 28-30 ugust 2021): Motion of the anti-patriarchy commission (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]
Sat, 18 Sep 2021 09:13:26 +0300
The text of the UCL Manifesto defends a series of positions that should be
developed today. Our commission work allows us to collectively develop and
determine our needs. In addition to analyzing the current context, we want to
refine our intervention strategies both internally and in the checks and balances
in which we operate. ---- We are at a pivotal moment in the feminist movement
which obliges us to define and register our feminist current in a social project
and therefore to collectively integrate the fight against patriarchy in our
revolutionary projections. ---- These struggles that strengthen us collectively
All over the world, women responded to the Argentinian call in 2017 for the
international strike of women and have multiplied mobilizations, struggles and
victories. Making visible the struggles against macho violence, feminicides, the
capitalist exploitation of women, for abortion and the freedom to dispose of
One year after #MeToo, the marches organized in France on the occasion of the
International Day against Violence Against Women brought together 50,000 people
across the country. In 2019, the mobilizations started in July against
feminicides and the date of September 28 for the right to abortion, prepared the
historic mobilizations of November 23 where 150,000 people took to the streets
across the country. The fight against the El Khomri law, the standing nights, the
yellow vests women's movement, and that against the latest pension reform have
been tremendous accelerators.
This increase in the number of women in the street to defend their rights and
this increase in the media coverage of women's struggles has not been accompanied
by a sufficient increase in the structuring and organization of women. This
should question us, because we carry the strategy of building mass movements of
It is in this logic that we consider it imperative and capital to fight with and
in support of women and gender minorities who suffer from these oppressions in
the world of work. UCL's anti-patriarchy asserts it, what helps divide our class
is when the oppressed find themselves confronted with sexism within their
company, their organization or their union and no collective response is
possible. 'ensures the cohesion and safety of activists and the emergence of
solidarity within our tools of struggle.
The slogan of "women's strike" for March 8 has little effect. If the attempts to
build this strike are real in certain corners, we must assume that it will only
be followed up if the women's strike is built over the long term, and via a
specific intervention in the direction of feminized sectors of the world. work.
The unionization of women is therefore a central issue, so that the women's
strike is not a rhetorical tool but an attainable horizon.
The health crisis is a sad revelation which has demonstrated what we denounce:
the work of women is at the heart of so-called essential activities, yet the risk
of losing their job is almost twice that of men on a global scale. . Systemic
precariousness and the deterioration of material conditions mean that women are
more subject to pressure and violence, whether in the workplace or in the
conjugal and family sphere. Our task today is not to let the system forget that.
Create feminist and LGBTI checks and balances
UCL's strategy is to join, strengthen, support existing feminist and LGBTI
organizations, and create them if they do not exist. These checks and balances
make it possible to pool the forces of struggle for an emancipation by and for
themselves in the face of the oppressions suffered.
They have a broader scope than UCL since they are formed according to common
principles and interests and not according to our ideas. This collective
organization is also a vector for popularizing self-management and libertarian
principles through practice.
Many libertarian activists are involved in these checks and balances, and many
UCL groups work with them in unitary frameworks ; it is necessary to continue on
this path. These checks and balances first take the form of associations or
collectives, and can federate at different scales: in unitary frameworks through
struggles (e.g. inter-organization for the defense of abortion), events (e.g.
organization of the 8 March or November 29 or a pride march) ; or in the form of
more sustainable structures at the local level (eg management of an LGBTI center)
or national (eg family planning, transintersex federation).
Trade unions are massive organizational structures for women today. The
unionization of women is a feminist issue because it allows women to acquire
experiences of struggle and organization. Within our unions, it is a question of
carrying feminist orientations, in particular on two axes:
push the unionization of women, on the one hand by having a specific intervention
to build unions in highly feminized sectors. This supposes assuming to put the
financial means and union time into it. On the other hand by improving the
management of cases of sexist and sexual assault within unions
this female unionization should allow women to create their own demands.
Attention can be paid to the link made between demands specific to work, and
demands related to the rest of a woman's life, in order to demonstrate the
continuum of patriarchy in all aspects of life.
Feminist and LGBTI checks and balances also take the form of checks and balances
in other areas of struggle. Within unions, our action can, for example, consist
in supporting feminist and LGBTI counter-powers by participating in or
facilitating the creation of committees or single-sex executives.
If the UCL is to make feminist and LGBTI emancipatory counter-powers visible
here, it must continue this action in other countries thanks to the Anarkismo
network (e.g. the FOB and the campaign for abortion in Argentina) and support the
development of international checks and balances (eg "Solidarity in Europe").
Single sex: an instrument of struggle
Non-mixing is a tool making it possible to break with patriarchal institutions,
to establish feminist self-management, a tool for emancipation and political
development for discriminated social groups.
By getting used to speaking in these secure spaces, non-mixing allows its
liberation and the non-minimization of experiences. Non-mixing thus makes it
possible to think collectively about patriarchal domination as well as its
abolition. Single-sex debates make it possible to develop policy more quickly and
more efficiently than with mixed-use, to create a common theoretical base, to be
able to defend and share it, to develop specific tools for struggle and training.
This is why we must consider developing these spaces within our organization, as
within the checks and balances where we are fighting. The participation and
support of dominant groups can take the form of supporting single-sex activities.
Goal no rapists, no violent, no machos in our ranks
Our internal tools in order to fight against patriarchy in our ranks are as
follows: a mixed commission, single-sex lists and spaces during congresses and
summer days, an LGBTI WG, tools in meetings (tours of speech, priority lists,
gender statistics), and statutes allowing the eviction of rapists and attackers
from the organization. Nevertheless, toxic behavior persists, difficult to
qualify as aggression, on the part of certain men in the organization. These
behaviors will have to be dealt with by tools yet to be invented.
This is why the anti-patriarchy commission has produced a text reaffirming its
support for all women and LGBTI people in the organization against domestic,
marital, sexual, gender and societal violence. Our organizational work to develop
and refine these tools must continue.
Our feminism is for all women
It deals with general issues that concern all women, whether they suffer one or
more oppressions in addition to patriarchy or not, and must also take into
account the specificities that patriarchy can take when it finds itself at the
intersection of several oppressions. In this sense, our anti-patriarchal
struggles are intersectional.
The anti-patriarchal struggle
Patriarchy is a system of oppression and exploitation of women by men, which
imposes the constraint on heterosexuality and the naturalization of categories of
sex presented as unsurpassable. Its basic unit is the family, one of the pillars
of the exploitation of women and the first place of patriarchal violence which
structures the whole of society.
The exploitation and oppression of women is inseparable from the oppression of
lesbian, gay, bi, trans and intersex people. The so-called naturalness of these
categories "man" and "woman" implies that it is not permissible not to be able to
be assigned to one of them. In particular, this results in the mutilation of
intersex people in order to forcibly assign them to a category. Neither is it
permitted without social punishment to derogate from one's birth sex assignment.
The constraint to heterosexuality keeps women in the couple and the heterosexual
family, and leads to the repression of people who derogate from heterosexuality.
Throughout life, violence occurs in order to bring everyone back to their role in
the patriarchal norm.
LGBTI struggles at UCL
Antipatriarchy cannot be done without taking into account LGBTI struggles and
LGBTI struggles cannot be done without taking into account anti-patriarchy. It
was noted that there is a lack of training in our organization on LGBTI issues,
so the emphasis will be on training. One aim would be to provide tools to local
groups to understand LGBTI issues, whether there are LGBTI comrades present in
these groups or not.
Beyond training, it is important to take into account the material realities of
LGBTI comrades and to support their work or mutual aid system. The single-sex
space is a space for sharing practices on investing in checks and balances as
LGBTI people, for support and mutual aid.
The UCL, through the anti-patriarchy commission and the LGBTI WG, will implement
campaigns, support and mobilize on LGBTI struggles and actions.
Tools to be clarified and developed over the next two years
Feminist self-defense and the principles of popular education
The practice of feminist self-defense offers a wide range of useful verbal,
mental, emotional and physical tools and strategies for self-defense in all areas
of our lives. The non-mixed feminist self-defense workshops are there to learn to
deconstruct conditioning and fears, to identify the mechanisms of domination.
Ultimately, they allow us to know our capacities for action while developing and
sharing strategies to identify and prevent situations of violence. It would be
important to support the creation of these spaces for local groups (aid in
funding an internship, networking, federal training).
In the same vein, popular education can allow us to concretize our struggles and
collectively build our emancipation. These practices are based on the following
principles: starting from our individual and collective experiences to question
our representations and collective representations. This allows us to combine our
knowledge and our knowledge with other sources of knowledge (other experiences,
sciences, etc.). These practices allow us to better understand the complexity of
the situations we seek to transform while allowing us to reflect, express
ourselves and fight. They also help us to better understand the phenomena of
domination and to be better allies for those who are its victims.
Our current of libertarian feminist thought takes stock of several currents of
feminism and integrates the elements that seem relevant to us, in particular
materialist feminism, intersectional feminism and class struggle feminism. Today
we need to know what we are going to do collectively with these tools, how we are
going to approach them, define them, popularize them and translate them
concretely. In the next two years, this will require setting up frameworks for
debates allowing us to discuss and work.
The anti-patriarchal fight defended by the UCL is revolutionary, it therefore
aims to overthrow the patriarchy through the struggle on the ground. Patriarchy,
racism and capitalism feed on each other: they form independent but interacting
systems, so we have to fight them at the same time.
However, we cannot reduce patriarchy to a tool of capitalism to better exploit
men and women, or to divide the working class ; nor can capitalism be reduced to
a tool of patriarchy.
If solidarity, the struggle and the construction of feminist and LGBTI
counter-powers, here and now, in the face of daily violence and the
precariousness of our lives, are our best weapons for the emancipation of all,
the development of our current libertarian feminist is also very important for
the development of our organization.
Our story is vibrant, from Louise Michel, Emma Goldman, Flora Tristan to He Zhen,
from Mujeres Libres to Anarsist Kadinlar, we need to be able to grasp it.
Our action today is in phase with a protest feminism which intends to fight at
the same time against all systems of domination and exploitation (patriarchy,
racism, capitalism). Our specificities remain our struggle against the State, its
sovereign functions and the institutions that strengthen it, but also our ability
to bring together struggles in all social movements. We also believe it is
necessary to continue our collective elaboration on the subject of these
specificities of our current of thought.
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